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Helen Lambert a Department
of Social Medicine, Bristol University, Bristol BS8 2PY, b Department of Public Health Sciences, King's College London,
London SE1 3QD Correspondence to: H Lambert
H.Lambert{at}bristol.ac.uk
As a response to concerns about the standard of qualitative
research, attention has focused on the methods used. However, this may
constrain the direction and content of qualitative studies and
legitimise substandard research. Helen Lambert and Christopher McKevitt
explain why anthropology may be able to contribute useful insights to
health research
Qualitative methods are now common in research into the
social and cultural dimensions of ill health and health care. These methods derive from several social sciences, but the concepts and
knowledge from some disciplinary traditions are underused. Here we
describe the potential contribution of anthropology, which is based on
the empirical comparison of particular societies. Anthropology has
biological, social, and cultural branches, but when applied to health
issues it most commonly relates to the social and cultural dimensions
of health, ill health, and medicine.1
Explaining qualitative research to health professionals has been
an essential step in gaining acceptance of these
techniques.2 However, findings from such research have
been deemed "thin," "trite," and "banal."3
Concerns about standards and the need for particular types of evidence
have led to quality control measures being recommended for qualitative
health research (procedures such as multiple coding, purposive
sampling, and software packages for text analysis). Imposing these
measures, however, may constrain the direction and content of
qualitative studies4 and legitimise substandard research,
as the procedures recommended can be incorporated without enhancing the
quality of the empirical work or the analysis.5
The main problem with the quality of qualitative research in health
lies not in the methods but in the misguided separation of method from
theory, of technique from the conceptual underpinnings.6 Qualitative research is in danger of being reduced to a limited set of
methods that requires little theoretical expertise, no discipline based
qualifications, and little training. Such an exclusive focus on method
should be resisted, an argument that parallels an ongoing debate in
epidemiology.
7 8
Multidisciplinary research is necessary
for investigating, understanding, and improving health, but simply
using qualitative methods does not constitute multidisciplinarity. What
is needed is not narrower specification of technical operations or
better quality control procedures. Instead, we need research methods
that are less generic, less atheoretical, and less narrowly focused,
together with a more widespread application of concepts and knowledge
originating in source disciplines.
Specifically, we advocate more anthropology. In the United Kingdom, the
growing appreciation of anthropology as a contributory discipline to
health research and health care has not been matched by efforts to
incorporate its theoretical basis (sociology has a better established
history of application to health issues). Anthropology has a
distinctive approach to gathering and interpreting data that can yield
productive insights. These insights derive from underlying assumptions
about the nature of social reality and human action, as well as using
participant observation (anthropology's most characteristic research
strategy, which involves direct observation while participating in the
study community and includes other methods, such as
interviewing).
9 10
The following sections outline some
basic characteristics of an anthropological approach with particular
value for health research.
A core conceptual feature of anthropology is that what is
"rational" is seen to be socially and culturally specific and valid in its local context. The salience of this view for understanding participants (other than patients) and issues in health care is not
generally appreciated. Using a biomedical approach to problems in
qualitative health research results in a narrow investigation of
"lay" beliefs (and occasionally, practices), often with the intention of translating these to professionals, to inform ways of
improving adherence to their interventions. An anthropological approach
does not assume that biomedical concepts and practices are both
normative and universal. Rather, it regards the knowledge and practice
of "experts" as locally variable A more general point is that qualitative research need not and
should not be restricted to discerning and describing the ideas or
practices of lay participants but should encompass those of professionals too. The study of health professionals' discourses and
ideologies draws on a rich tradition in the social sciences of the
social and cultural construction of biomedical knowledge. However, such
study also links with a trend in medical anthropology that argues for
the need to focus beyond clinical encounters between individuals to the
power relations that produce and shape sickness (box
1).
13 14
Box 1:
Communicating biomedical information
An anthropological study in the multicultural setting of New
York city showed how unequal power relations were created through the
use of authoritative technical language used in amniocentesis
counselling As box 1 shows, what people (including health professionals) say
can be different from what they think and do. This goes unrecognised in
most health research that is designated "qualitative" but which in
fact relies mainly or solely on interview based methods.16 The ambiguous relation between language and action fundamentally informs anthropological research using participant observation. Ideas
about treating illness and lay explanatory models, for example, are
shaped by contingent circumstances and forms of practical "reasoning
in action" that are not always expressed orally, especially in
one-off interviews, which tend to produce orthodox responses. Qualitative health research often fails to distinguish between normative statements (what people say should be the case), narrative reconstructions (biographically specific reinterpretation of what has
happened in the past), and actual practices (what really happens). Anthropological practice ensures awareness of these distinctions even
when interpreting interview data, by "situating" an interviewee's statements and the circumstances of the interview as far as possible in
the broader context of that person's life. Participant observation may
not always be feasible or appropriate given constraints on time,
funding, and expertise, but the methodological lessons from anthropology are transferable. These lessons are that words cannot be
taken at face value and that naturally arising informal situations involving talk and action are more useful than formal interviews in
highlighting this.17
Box 2:
Context specificity and comparative evidence
Anthropologists have investigated the disclosure of information
to patients with cancer in diverse settings including the United
States, Japan, Italy, and Spain.20-22 Del Vecchio Good
and colleagues compared US approaches (favouring early disclosure of
diagnosis to encourage patient involvement and hope) with Japanese
approaches (which have tended to mask diagnosis). The results showed
contrasting notions of appropriate interaction between doctors and
patients and of how to maintain hope. The comparisons highlighted
commonalities and differences in oncological practice, showing how
these develop within specific cultural and political contexts. The
authors speculated that different approaches to managing uncertainty in
oncology might affect patients' experiences of treatment, as well as
investment in cancer research, and thus contribute to differences in
outcomes.
A key anthropological contribution to health research lies in its
empirically based grasp of the context specific nature of social
processes. This focus on the particular, which anthropology insists on
through documenting the complex details of everyday life, provides an
important corrective to misleading generalisations and abstractions
that can, according to Singer, "grotesquely flatten" the diversity
of different settings.18 However, analysis of specific
situations or cases can also provide more general insights into the
type of phenomenon under study, through anthropology's comparative
approach. Comparing primary data with secondary evidence about similar
issues (such as a particular health problem) in different settings can
produce stronger analytical insights with greater potential
generalisability. This is achieved through logical (rather than
statistical) inferences that make use of relevant empirical knowledge
and theoretical principles.19
Just as most health professionals specialise in particular diseases or
body systems, so most medical anthropologists specialise in particular
regions of the world or topics. This specialist knowledge is a major
source of comparative evidence and, like clinically specific knowledge,
it is informed by core disciplinary concepts (such as classification,
ritual, and symbolism) and theoretical approaches (such as those of
political economy or cultural interpretation) (box
2).
Qualitative researchers have been involved in developing
quality of life measures by interviewing specific patient groups to
allow participants to identify relevant items for inclusion in a
quality of life scale. A more anthropological approach might ask what
category quality of life means not only to patients but also to groups
of health professionals and policy makers. And it might ask why, in
current healthcare systems, the measurement of this outcome category is
increasingly valued.24
Qualitative methods of data collection have become popular in
health research mainly because they are seen to "reach the part other
methods cannot" A particular way that anthropology achieves this is by its focus on
classification and meaning. This interest probably derives from
anthropology's development as a discipline associated with the
ethnographic study of "other" cultures, in which the nature and
boundaries of apparently basic categories Anthropology has its roots in a Western fascination with the
"exotic" and the associated attempts to make the strange
comprehensible. Anthropologists working in health settings today
question the apparently familiar so that health issues may be better
understood and health outcomes improved. This is a key promise of
qualitative research generally for health professionals. Anthropology
can offer relevant conceptual frameworks, substantive knowledge, and methodological insights. These are essential for truly
multidisciplinary research, which extends beyond selective
incorporation of specific methods to encompass research
conceptualisation and theoretical synthesis. Funding sources,
institutional support, and publication requirements should reflect this.
Summary points
Emphasis on methods in health related qualitative research
obscures the value of substantive knowledge and theoretical concepts
based in some social sciences
Anthropology views the familiar afresh through focusing on
classification and on understanding rationality in social and cultural
context
It highlights the value of data gathered informally and the differences
between what people say, think, and do
Its emphasis on empirical particularity helps to avoid inaccurate
generalisations and their potentially problematic applications
Truly multidisciplinary research needs to incorporate the conceptual
frameworks and knowledge bases of participating disciplines
![]()
What is wrong with qualitative research?
![]()
"Our" knowledge and "their" beliefs
as are the knowledge and practice
of lay people
and it includes both within the boundaries of empirical
inquiry. Some of the most relevant anthropological research for
evidence based health care has considered differences between
epidemiological, clinical, and popular concepts of health and disease
in particular contexts and has thereby shed light on the implications
of such distinctions for appropriate practice in these
settings.
11 12
despite counsellors' expressed commitment to providing
information neutrally and facilitating choice for their clients. This
showed a need to scrutinise the language and context, as well as the
content, of the information given if these aims were to be
achieved.15
![]()
Actions speak as loud as words
![]()
Context specificity and comparative evidence

(Credit: TOPHAM/FOTOMAS)
Anthropology has its roots in a Western fascination with the
"exotic," in trying to make the strange comprehensible;
anthropologists working in health today question the familiar
![]()
Questioning categories
that is, the views of ordinary people in the real
world.23 Implicitly, the methods are a valuable but purely
functional means of gathering data to answer an initial research
question. Hence the bulk of qualitative work in, say, health services
research, seeks to discover (through semistructured interviews and/or
focus group discussions) people's views of a biomedically defined
phenomenon
for example, a disease or a health service. Although such
research can undoubtedly be useful in operational terms, genuinely new
insights are rarely obtained because this approach fails to incorporate
a central feature of social science research
that of reconfiguring the
boundaries of the problem.
such as family, religion,
and medicine
could not be presumed but required empirical investigation. Thus an anthropological approach, rather than taking phenomenon x or y as a given and investigating views of or beliefs about it, also investigates the form and contents of the thing (x or y)
itself. Insights derive both from examining the nature and meanings of
apparently familiar categories
for example, clinical terminologies, or
health service constructs, such as "patient satisfaction"
and from
investigating how and why such categories are constructed and
maintained (box 3).
![]()
Conclusion
| |
Footnotes |
|---|
Funding: None.
Competing interests: HL is the chair and CMcK is a member of the Royal Anthropological Institute's medical committee, which advises the institute on medical anthropological matters and presents and promotes anthropological perspectives and understanding among non-anthropologists working in health related fields.
| |
References |
|---|
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(Accepted 14 February 2002)
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