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Preparing for Armageddon in South Asia
The unthinkable has actually happened. Over a span
of barely four years, the subcontinent and its military and political
leadership seem to have moved seamlessly from an obtuse nuclear
capability and a doctrine of nuclear deterrence to the present state of
nuclear weaponisation.1 As a million soldiers face each
other across the volatile line of control and the border between India
and Pakistan, the arguments have shifted from no use of nuclear weapons to their potential use in the event of conventional war, to the current
state of actual deployment. To a large extent the numerical superiority
of the Indian army and air force translates into a no win situation for
Pakistan in the event of a conventional conflict. Faced with the
potential of humiliation and dismemberment in such a scenario, a
nuclear first strike becomes a frighteningly real possibility.2
The debate and outcry on this reckless brinkmanship in South Asia has
remained confined to the peace groups, and the vernacular press has
largely been jingoistic and indifferent to the disastrous consequences
of nuclear war. While one can understand that the illiterate masses in
both countries may have no concept of the awesome power of nuclear
weapons, the apparent resignation of the educated elite and
intelligentsia to their fate and a possible nuclear conflagration is
most surprising. In contrast to the nuclear disarmament appeals from a
few years ago,3 most of the medical associations on both
sides of the border have maintained an ominous silence (see also
p 1412). This apparent apathy can be interpreted in one of several
ways: one that there is widespread disbelief that a conflict will take
place, the other that no level of preparedness can mitigate a nuclear
conflagration. A third and more plausible explanation is that few among
the health professionals are even remotely aware of the true meaning
and consequences of a nuclear conflict. The fact remains that apart
from a few calculations,
4 5
almost all the estimates of
the human and material costs of a nuclear exchange between India and
Pakistan, or even a nuclear accident, are from Western sources. It is
entirely plausible that a nuclear exchange between these volatile
neighbours will be neither surgical nor contained. A secret Pentagon
study reveals that the immediate death toll in the case of a nuclear
exchange can be as high as 12 million, with almost 7 million
injuries.6 The widespread destruction of property, nuclear
fallout, and environmental costs are almost impossible to compute, and
may involve the entire south and central Asian region. The humanitarian
crisis in the region and the impact on the global economy will be devastating.
As the world braces itself for a possible terrorist nuclear attack,
several projections and scenarios as to possible deaths from shock
waves and thermal and ionising radiation injury have been
made.
7 8
None of these estimates can apply to the Indian subcontinent, where urban congestion, tinderbox squatter settlements, and a dysfunctional health system make for a nightmare scenario in the
aftermath of a nuclear exchange. A recent review of hospitals in the
United States revealed that 73% were unprepared for a nuclear accident
or attack.9 Poor disaster preparedness and health system
performance in the subcontinent means that the number of late deaths
due to burns, radiation, and infections will be considerably greater.
To those potentially relying on the effectiveness of a limited nuclear
strike over military targets, the unpredictability of wind directions
and contiguous heavily populated border areas make containment almost
impossible.10 The development and use of nuclear shelters
by a select few only serves to highlight the abject lunacy surrounding
nuclear weaponisation in the subcontinent.11
The current nuclear imbroglio in India and Pakistan is a direct
consequence of a lack of human and social development in the region.
Malnutrition rates in the region are among the highest in the world,
and successive generations have been fed a daily gruel of intolerance,
jingoism, and religious fervour by political and military governments.
The current military standoff must also be viewed in the context of the
growth of religious intolerance and lack of social development in both
countries.12 A conservative estimate of the costs of
nuclear weaponisation in India placed it at well over $10bn (£6.8bn;
The current crisis also highlights why the doctrine of nuclear
deterrence is a myth.14 As Bidwai and Vanaik have said, a state of deterrence is simply "a state of mind" and depends on the
predictability of responses from either side.15 With Hindu extremists tugging at its sleeves and Islamic militants attempting to
trigger an all out conflict, neither India nor Pakistan possesses stable command and control systems ensuring that an accidental conflict
will not be triggered. Despite sophisticated systems and the advantage
of early warning systems, the cold war era has left numerous examples
of mishaps that could have triggered nuclear conflict.16
Neither Pakistan nor India has the luxury of distance and time in which
to evaluate a false alarm, and thus the possibility of accidental
nuclear conflict becomes frighteningly real. The only prudent way ahead
for the leadership of the two countries is to step back from the brink
and start substantive discussions and political dialogue. The large
cadre of health professionals and societies in both countries, as
indeed globally, must assume responsibility for the promotion of peace,
and eventual nuclear disarmament.
Aga Khan University, Karachi 74800, Pakistan
(zulfiqar.bhutta{at}aku.edu) Department of Gastrointestinal Surgery, Sir Ganga Ram Hospital,
New Delhi 110016, India
10.6bn),13 and although modest by comparison, it is
sobering to note that Pakistan's recent ballistic missile tests alone
could have funded the entire health budget of several districts.
Samiran Nundy
| 1. |
Bhutta ZA.
Staring into the abyss: walking the nuclear tightrope in South Asia.
BMJ
1998;
317:
363-364 |
| 2. | Matinuddin K. The nuclearization of South Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002:60-108. |
| 3. | Shrivastwa SS, Sultan ST. Joint statement by the Indian doctors for peace and development and the Pakistan doctors for peace and development and the nuclear tests by Governments of India and Pakistan. 1998. www.mnet.fr/aiindex/ipnnwS_asia.html (accessed 10 Jun 2002). |
| 4. | Naim SR. Aadhi Raat Kaiy Baad (after midnight). In: Cohen SB, ed. Nuclear proliferation in south Asia. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1998. |
| 5. | Ramana MV. Bombing Bombay? Effects of nuclear weapons and a case study of a hypothetical explosion. Cambridge, MA: International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War, 1999. |
| 6. | Nichols B. No one wins a nuclear war. USA Today. 2002 Jun 4. www.usatoday.com/news/world/2002/06/04/nuclear-war-usat.htm (accessed 11 Jun 2002). |
| 7. | Management of terrorist events involving radioactive material. Bethesda, MD: National Council on Radiation Protection and Measurements, 2001. (NCRP report No 138.) |
| 8. |
Mettler FA, Voelz GL.
Major radiation exposure what to expect and how to respond.
N Engl J Med
2002;
346:
1554-1561 |
| 9. | Treat KN, Williams JM, Furbee PM, Manley WG, Russell FK, Stamper CD. Hospital preparedness for weapons of mass destruction incidents: an initial assessment. Ann Emerg Med 2001; 38: 562-565[CrossRef][ISI][Medline]. |
| 10. | Mian Z, Ramana MV, Rajaraman R. Risks and consequences of nuclear weapons accidents in South Asia. In: Princeton, NJ: Center for Energy and Environmental Studies, 2000. (PU/CEES Report No 326.) www.princeton.edu/~globsec/publications/pdf/report.326.pdf (accessed 10 Jun 2002). |
| 11. | Jabbar S. The alternative to my nuclear ark. Times of India 2002 May 31. www.203.1999.93/Articleshow.asp?art_id=11510268 (accessed 8 Jun 2002). |
| 12. |
Bhutta ZA.
Why has so little changed in maternal and child health in South Asia?
BMJ
2000;
321:
809-810 |
| 13. | Reddy CRM. Wages of Armageddon. III. The Hindu 1998;Sep 2:12c. |
| 14. | Bhutta ZA, Nundy S. Commentary: the myth of nuclear deterrence in south Asia. BMJ 2002; 324: 358-359. |
| 15. | Bidwai P, Vanaik A. The deterrence delusion: why nuclear weapons do not generate security. South Asia on a short fuse: Nuclear politics and the future of global disarmament. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 168-202. |
| 16. | Philips AF. 20 mishaps that might have started accidental nuclear war. 2001. www.nuclearfiles.org/anw/index.html (accessed 10 Jun 2002). |
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